Family: Thomas Beatie was granted sole custody of his three children in May after footage emerged of his estranged wife Nancy being violent towards him. When Anderson asked the couple about having babies together and who would likely carry the child, Thomas said: 'Hypothetically we have talked about starting a family together and w e would have to check out our fertility options.
We have two vials left at California Bank and there's a clinic in San Francisco that we might seek advice from. His oldest child with estranged wife Nancy is four-years-old and Thomas said she already knows that her daddy was pregnant, yet understands that women get pregnant too. What this is to her is normal and we had to show pictures of Nancy pregnant with her other daughters to show that women also get pregnant.
Divorcing: 'Pregnant Man' Thomas Beatie, right, has finally been granted a divorce to his wife Nancy, left. Beatie is trying to divorce Nancy but the motion is being blocked by an Arizona judge who says the marriage is not valid because Thomas is not a man.
Same sex marriage is illegal in Arizona. I am Thomas, I am husband, I am father, I am a man, guerir ses caries me roar,' he said.
Anderson Cooper pointed out that he could get the marriage annulled but Thomas, though recognizing it would be the easiest thing to do says: 'My marriage did happen and I was married to Nancy for almost ten years, we paid taxes, we bought and sold homes, we started a family together and I want that to be validated.
It's being challenged right now so if I back down from it we all lose. Thomas and new love Amber met at his children's school where she works. Speaking about what it is like to date the world's most famous transgender, she said: 'My friends, they're kind of always joking and asking questions like, "How did this happen? How does this work? Just funny things but really my friends and family are very supportive of us and they love Thomas.
More babies: 'Hypothetically we have talked about starting a family together and we would have to check out our fertility options'. Thomas's marriage to first wife Nancy reached a bitter end when footage of her appearing to violently attack her husband, mishandle their children and destroy their computer emerged. He has previously claimed that Nancy was a violent alcoholic who would attack him in the night and once punched him in the crotch in front of the kids. He said: 'It's been a process.
We physically separated back in March when I filed for separation and there was a protective order but basically I didn't wear my wedding ring for a year prior to that. Thomas became known around the globe after pictures were made public of the world's first pregnant man. According to TMZ, the judge argues that he cannot find any legal authority that defines a man as someone who is able to give birth. Mr Beatie was born as a woman, Tracy Lagondino, in Hawaii inbut says he always felt like he wanted to be a man.
When he was in his 20s he began having testosterone injections, giving him facial hair, a lower voice and altering his sexual organs. The couple met shortly after Beatie began taking the testosterone. Nancy is 11 years older than him and has two teenage daughters, Amber and Jen, from a previous marriage. Thomas had already had a mastectomy to remove his breasts, and hormone treatment that gave him an outwardly male appearance.
But he chose to keep his female sexual organs so the couple could have children. They bought sperm from an anonymous donor and Beatie underwent artificial insemination.
He eventually fell pregnant with Susan in late and had his next two children in quickly after, as he only had a short window of not taking testosterone. He posed for a famous picture in which displayed him as heavily pregnant but with facial hair. He told Oprah on her show four years ago: 'I wanted to have a child one day. I didn't know how. It was just a dream. The couple has been open about their sex life, revealing on Oprah that the testosterone had enlarged Beatie's clitoris.
It grew to a small penis, allowing him to have sex with his wife, he said. Share this article Share. Share or comment on this article: 'Pregnant man' Thomas Beatie and new girlfriend talk babies e-mail. Most watched News videos Woman hurls anti-semitic abuse at Jewish people on NYC subway Schumer responds after McConnell refuses impeachment witnesses Black Rod bangs cane three times on door to the Commons Pelosi shuts down any Democrats cheering for Trump's impeachment Carole Middleton marks Star Wars film with Instagram space sabre duel Jeremy Corbyn slams car door as he leaves home for Queen's Speech Scorned woman bursts into ex's wedding reception and attacks bride Fires rages through the Blue Mountains near Sydney Emotional dog throws epic tantrum after she is refused stocking Masked man cracks woman's windscreen after she interrupted 'theft' Lisa Nandy grills Boris Johnson on reluctance to help child refugees Whirlpool customer is worried as her washing machine pours smoke.
More top stories. Globally, pregnant women are challenged to meet sufficient and necessary dietary intake in order to improve maternal and neonatal outcomes.
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Interviews with 12 pregnant Maasai women, all originally from the Ngorongoro Conservation Area Authority NCAA area and have spent most or all of their adult lives in the NCAA, sought to answer two research questions: how do these women describe their current dietary pattern and what do they believe is the role of nutrition during pregnancy.
Interpretive description methodology was used to reveal five themes: 1 Eating less food makes baby come easier, 2 Not producing food means more dependence, 3 Working hard harms my baby, 4 Knowing what is needed for a good pregnancy and 5 Preferring our traditional ways for pregnancy and birth. There is an imperative to address nutrition throughout the perinatal period within the Maasai population and the women recognize how important nutrition is for them and their babies.
Malnutrition is a leading cause of maternal and fetal complications in developing countries. Though food insecurity is the predominant cause of malnutrition, traditions and cultural beliefs surrounding nutritional practices during pregnancy can impact the nutritional status and outcomes.
Acknowledging these cultural beliefs and traditions is an important global health consideration when endeavoring to improve maternal and child outcomes. A number of studies considered traditional prenatal practices highlighting both diversities and commonalities. Dietary taboos were most often enforced by the elders [ 26 ]; mother-in-laws [ 4 ]; or husbands and other family members [ 7 ]. Oni and Tukur [ 8 ] found adherence to cultural practices tended to be more consistent in youth teenage pregnancies and less educated women, as well as in women with a low body mass index a finding mirrored by Yassin, Sobhy, and Ebrahim [ 9 ].
When the information from health providers differed from traditional practices, most women choose to follow cultural practices [ 2 ]. In contrast a study in Zanzibar found women reported a fear of traditional medicine during pregnancy [ 10 ]. Within Tanzania, specifically, food insecurity remains the primary cause of under-nutrition and under-nutrition related illnesses.
Additionally, 9. A study by Kalinjuma, Mafuru, Nyoni, and Modaha [ 12 ] assessed nutritional status of women using BMI, workload of women, birth weight, and current breastfeeding practices in four regions of Tanzania i. The average birth weight for all regions was 3. As previously stated, maternal weight prior to conception is a major determinant of LBW in infants, with maternal undernourishment during fetal development increasing the risk for developing macronutrient and micronutrient deficiencies during childhood [ 13 ].
The Tanzanian National Food and Nutrition Policy focuses on four major nutritional deficiencies affecting the population of Tanzania which include; protein energy malnutrition, nutritional anemia, iodine deficiency disorders IDDand vitamin A deficiencies [ 13 ]. Micronutrient deficiencies are prevalent in Tanzania, particularly iron deficiency anemia [ 14 ] and create significant vulnerabilities for the mother-child dyad [ 15 ].
The lack of prenatal education on nutrition and health during pregnancy, as well as accessibility to hospitals and clinics are other barriers to healthy maternal and child outcomes. Mosha and Philemon [ 16 ] reported factors influencing pregnancy outcomes in the Morogoro District of Tanzania with nearly two-thirds of the women knowing the right foods to eat during pregnancy but only 1 in three classifying skin botox cennik and vegetables as contributing to their iron status.
Additionally, A minority 3. The Maasai rely on their herds of cattle, goats, and sheep as primary sources of income by selling or trading the meat and milk [ 17 ]. Traditionally, the diet was primarily meat, milk, and blood from domesticated animals. Due to land and grazing constraints, some Maasai, living outside of the NCAA, have begun to cultivate maize, rice, potatoes and cabbage to meet their nutritional needs [ 17 ].
To address diminishing food availability and decreasing cattle numbers in NCAA, the government of Tanzania has recently begun supplying free food rations and permitting Maasai to graze their cattle within the Ngorongoro Crater on the condition of daily entry and exit [ 18 ].
In October7, tonnes of maize were delivered to the 87, NCAA residents with a commitment of annual ongoing support of 10 bags per family [ 19 ]. These foods are non-traditional to the Maasai, and, although they are addressing hunger related issues, they are not providing sufficient micro-nutrients and the implications to cultural nutritional practices are, as of yet, unknown.
In this context of change, challenge, and cultural variance in nutritional patterns, one must consider the impacts and implications of nutrition to the Maasai. Traditionally, Maasai women consume a modified diet, restricting caloric consumption during the third trimester, reducing intake of protein rich foods, and increasing water intake [ 2021 ].
Community elders often enforce this practice in the first pregnancy, although women, according to a number of the participants, may opt to follow this pattern in subsequent pregnancies. Powell [ 22 ] interviewed NCAA Maasai regarding their perceptions of dietary restrictions during the third trimester and found that the women viewed these nutritional restrictions as necessary for a safe delivery and to limit adverse medical outcomes.
According to Mawani [ 23 ], Maasai women in Kenya believed that it is important to continue a regular diet throughout pregnancy. These findings predate the food security interventions in NCAA and need to be revisited. Maasai pregnancies and neonatal outcome are concerning. It is in this context of the changing food availability and food insecurity affecting the maternal-child dyadthat we framed our study.
This qualitative descriptive study explored the views and daily dietary habits of select pregnant Maasai women currently or previously from the NCAA. Using an interpretive description methodology, which is rooted within a phenomenological qualitative approach, the researchers sought to answer two research questions: 1 What are the beliefs of pregnant Maasai women on the roles of nutrition in healthy pregnancy outcomes? Each woman was invited and chose to complete both parts, but was given the option to participate in either or both.
This article considers the interview results contributions and perspectives of the participants respecting the first research question. The dietary recall analysis and second research question will be published in a subsequent document. Due to literacy and logistical issues travel to the village efforts were made to ensure the largest number of women were made aware of the research opportunity through word of mouth.
The local clinic staff and administration were important in letting members of the community know about the opportunity and asking them to share it with any woman who might be interested and appropriate for the study purposes. The two interviews in the city locale were through word of mouth telephone contacts from members of the community to the women about the project. The project team had intended to interview between 6 and 8 individuals; however, the successful recruitment was seen as an opportunity to include more voices and perspectives.
To be eligible to participate, women must have self-identified as Maasai woman in any trimester of pregnancy. All women provided voluntary informed consent, either verbally or written, depending on their literacy level. The Arusha based interviews took place at the offices of a local partner non-government organization. In each case the setting provided privacy and ensured confidentiality. Demographic data was recorded prior to each interview.
The village based interviews were conducted by a male tri-lingual research assistant who works as a community health service provider in the community. In Arusha the interviews were conducted by the primary author with the research assistant in attendance to assist in case language became an issue.
Interpretive description was selected as the qualitative methodological approach to distinguish commonalities between what was already known regarding beliefs of pregnant Maasai women and the findings of this study, allowing interpretation of new data and application of evidence to practice. This non-categorical research methodology encompasses multiple qualitative methods to describe the complex interactions between psychosocial and biological phenomena [ 25 ].
Thorne et al. All the data were analyzed using content analysis, a technique for creating replicable interpretations from qualitative data such as interviews, observations, and other contextually important materials [ 27 ]. The purpose of content analysis is to arrange large amounts of text into themes and subthemes with similar meaning and generate a deeper interpretation through coding and identifying commonalities and themes within the findings [ 28 ].
The final 5 themes were reviewed and agreed to by the research team and the research assistant. Participant ages ranged from 18—30 years please note that actual age is not always easily determined as birth records are often not kept. One participant was primigravida 8. All participants were originally from Olbalbal communities. At the time of the study, a majority One 8.
As mentioned the study had two major components — an individual interview and a food recall. These results reflect the former, whilst the food recall will be reported in a second paper. It is noted that the limited number of primigravidas precluded the discussion of results based on number of pregnancies. This belief seemed to relate to a number of factors such as risk of death due to a large infant, concern for lack of specialized care if the baby did not pass naturally, and concern over health of a big infant.
A majority of the women travel long distances to clinics and value the tradition of giving birth at home under the supervision of a traditional birth attendant.
Delivering at home makes it necessary for women to avoid big babies, which, they believe, increases the risk for a cesarean delivery. The women told of the Maasai traditions surrounding food during pregnancy which restricted or prevented them from consuming unpasteurized milk, meat, or milk from cattle other than their owneggs, sweet foods, and butter. Also, they shared that women were to restrict caloric intake, especially from sweet or fatty foods throughout their pregnancies.
These traditions restrict women from eating any meat or drinking milk from their sixth month of pregnancy until delivery. In combination with the dietary restrictions, many pregnant Maasai women reported a decrease in appetite during their pregnancy, which, when combined with nausea and vomiting, resulted in further restriction in dietary intake. All participants interviewed reported feeling very tired since becoming pregnant. According to the participants, in a Maasai household, the male head is always the first to eat followed by the children, and lastly, the mother.
Most participants interviewed reported being fed last as having no effect on how much food they received. However, according to Participant The use of local herbs and medicine at some point during a pregnancy is seen as a means to cleanse or cure the woman of sickness i.
On average, the Maasai women interviewed were given local medicine consisting of naturally grown herbs once a week to induce vomiting and diarrhea. One of the two women currently located in the city discussed how Maasai cultures and traditions differ when they live in the NCAA.
Pregnant mothers rely on the experience of relatives and Elders in the community to guide them through pregnancy and delivery without formal health system interventions.
Maasai historically relied on cattle, sheep, and goats as their principal dietary sources. As herd sizes have decreased the Maasai increasingly rely on food brought in to the NCAA on market days and relief foods.
There is an increasing dependence on non-traditional foodstuffs, a situation which the women struggle with. On bi-monthly market days, women walk long distances to the village to purchase fruits and vegetables, but not all women who attend the market are successful in making purchases due to cost and supply.
When asked about their food sources, six women reported purchasing maize, seven indicated getting milk from their cows, and three obtained vegetables from the forest. Very few Maasai families access food outside of Perte poids home trainer 2014 due to lack of transportation and funds, limiting their diets to milk, maize, and meat derived from cows, sheep, or goats.
This situation has created an inability for self-sustainability and a greater dependency on purchased or government relief foods. When asked to explain Maasai traditions surrounding diet during pregnancy, one woman explained:.
In the NCAA, seasonal changes affect food availability, altering which foods are naturally available as those brought in for purchase. During the rainy season, most 7 women reported eating vegetables. As mentioned previously these latter foods, which lack the requisite micronutrients, often comprise the bulk of the government relief foods. Women in the community are responsible for household chores, such as collecting firewood and water, taking care of children, and food preparation.
Pregnant Maasi women will steadily increase their workload throughout the second and third trimesters in preparation for the postnatal period, when they will remain in their bomas homes for three months post-partum to recover from childbirth and to care for their newborns [ 14 ].
Many women described feeling hungry, tired, and weak throughout their pregnancies. Half of the women interviewed described difficult environments and increased workload as being detrimental to a healthy pregnancy. Daily chores become increasingly difficult to perform in the heat and there is little protection from the environment. Some women interviewed indicated a choice in sacrificing clinic visits and checkups to avoid walking long distances in these extreme conditions.
One woman stated. Many participants shared instinctual knowledge on how to maintain healthy pregnancies, even though such knowledge may contradict cultural beliefs. Cultural pregnancy beliefs and traditions enforce rules or guidelines regarding diet, activity level, and rest.
Many of those interviewed understood that not all traditions are beneficial. Most participants had a basic understanding of good nutrition during pregnancy, with eight indicating that they had adhered to this healthy, traditionally ascribed approach throughout their pregnancies.
Rather than labeling traditional medicines as good or bad, they described them as necessary to ensure health and to address over indulgences. The other half of participants indicated that not enough rest, and difficult work are bad for their pregnancies. In addition, some mentioned anger as being harmful during pregnancy. One woman stated. I wish I could change how much anger I have, be cause in Maasai traditions you are not supposed to be an angry person during pregnancy…it is [not] healthy for my baby to be mad all the time.
Maasai cultures and traditions impact on prenatal and postnatal care, both positively and negatively. One woman reported:. Nine of twelve women reported taking some form of local medicine during their pregnancies. Although cultural traditions dictate the diet and activity levels, many participants understood the importance of a balanced diet and adequate rest during pregnancy. The women indicated a preference for adhering to traditional practices during pregnancy as they were supported by other women and being cared for in a traditional way by elders and traditional birth attendants.
So there is a dissonance between knowledge of dietary needs during pregnancy and adherence to follow cultural practices. The study suggested the imperative for promotion of prenatal care to invite women to openly discuss traditional and mainstream practice in order to have healthier pregnancies and healthier babies. The women talked about feeling tired and overworked, not getting enough to eat and lacking vegetables during their pregnancy, indicating an awareness of how these contribute to an unhealthy pregnancy.
This is a critical opportunity for knowledge mobilization, with the research evidence from this study, to bring forward new ideas, options, and an informed dialogue on prenatal nutrition concerns and needs amongst Maasai women. Such a dialogue must be culturally respective and inclusive. This study also showed the interest and willingness of this group of women, to share their experiences in the hope of improving their situation and that of other pregnant women.
Opportunities for ongoing research and knowledge translation should be considered, which are inclusive of the elders, traditional birth attendants, local health providers, and the pregnant women. There were a number of limitations in this study. The first limitation relates to development of the interview guide. As there was no specific pre-existing tool so an interview guide was developed.
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Although the instrument used open ended questions, most women often answered with only one to two word responses. Future iterations might include more extensive questioning to enable multiple ways of seeking answers or conduct group interviews which might invite more extensive dialogues.
To address this, one might consider a more prolonged engagement in the community which potentially generates familiarity and comfort with process and person. A second limitation was reliance on a local research assistant to collect the interviews and dietary recalls.
A regime forfettario.it limitation was in the need for multiple translations.
Nes, Abma, Jonsson, and Deeg [ 29 ] discussed how language difference in qualitative research may have consequences in loss of meaning, or the misinterpretation of words or how they are perceived. In this study, complexity was added in needing a translator who was trilingual.